My History with the Alberta Liberal Party - Part I

September 1982 to November 1982

I was born in Halifax to liberal-thinking parents and raised by a mother who taught us equality of race, gender and sexuality and therefore I felt most comfortable with the Liberal Party when I began my participation in politics.

My father was in the Canadian military and we were transferred to Winnipeg in 1959, where I lived until my move to Calgary. My participation in politics began in 1968 after listening to Trudeau speak in South Winnipeg and getting hooked by the man and the message.

I worked on several campaigns in Winnipeg prior to coming to Calgary and it was quite natural for me to get engaged as soon as I could after arriving in Calgary. In Winnipeg politics was fun and you could change Governments because people were engaged in the process.

I arrived in Calgary September 27th, 1982, unloaded my belongings into the house we rented at 2106 Hope Street in Mount Royal and after a few days getting settled I discovered there was a provincial election in progress with E-day November 2, 1982. I went next door, blithely introduced myself as a Liberal and asked the person at the door who the Liberal candidate was. To my ultimate surprise I discovered that he was the candidate, John Webb, a Calgary lawyer. I offered my assistance but advised I could not vote since I was not in Alberta in the proper time frame prior to the November 2nd writ.

Then the shock of Alberta Liberal politics unfolded. John was poorly supported with no Party infrastructure and infinitely less voter support producing a dismal outcome.

Less than four years had passed since the Progressive Conservatives won their landslide victory in 1979. Premier Peter Lougheed decided to call a snap election to catch fledgling new parties off guard, most notably the separatist Western Canada Concept which was capitalizing on anger over Lougheed's perceived weakness in dealings with the federal government, in particular his acceptance of the hugely unpopular National Energy Program. The WCC had won a by-election earlier in the year, and Lougheed decided that it would be wise to stage a showdown with the WCC sooner rather than later.

Lougheed then proceeded to mount a campaign based largely on scare tactics, warning Albertans angry with Ottawa but yet uneasy with the WCC that they could end up with a separatist government by voting for a separatist party. The strategy worked for the Tories, who won their fourth consecutive term in government, and returned to the 62% popular vote level it had attained in the 1975 election. The PC party won 75 of the 79 seats in the legislature.

The New Democratic Party, led by Grant Notley, doubled its legislative caucus from one member to two and became the official opposition after a debate over whether the NDP or the 2 Independents should be appointed official Opposition.

The Alberta Liberal Party was punished in the wake of the NEP and was barely able to field candidates in a third of the riding's, and went down to one of its worst showings in party history.

Welcome to Alberta...

Alberta Liberal Party Resignation - December 21st, 2009

Mr. Tony Sansotta,

Please accept my resignation from any and all involvement in Alberta Liberal Party Organization.

As we discussed since the Calgary-Glenmore By-election, I have offered my time and considerable expertise to assist with the organization and development of the constituencies. To that end I have attached a number of documents which will help to understand my position.

1. My letter to Kevin Taft dated June 14th, 2005, updated in red for today's purposes. I could write the same letter today with simple modifications to the Leader's name. The point is, I have tried to assist this Party for years with little or no response.

2. Having been frustrated by the Leader, I designed a programme for the Party in 2007 including costs to organize and run a successful campaign.

3. On October 6th, 2009 I met with the Party to offer my services to organize the constituencies.

4. On October 11th I received an email from Dr. Swann requesting my participation in organization.

5. On October 21st I made comments related to the current status of the various provincial parties in Alberta. That was picked up in the Calgary Herald October 22nd.

6. The database spreadsheet was designed November 17th and sent to the Party for basic information in order for me to start the constituency organization.

7. When you and I met November 29th you requested again that I be involved in organization.

Within the past few weeks I have been able to determine from various sources that you have blocked my access to the information requested on the spreadsheet. You have not had the decency to advise me directly.

Therefore, I consider myself persona non gratis within the ALP and regretfully tender my resignation from my involvement.

Over the next few days I will consider my membership in the Alberta Liberal Party.

Respectfully Submitted,

Donn Lovett

Part 12 - Activism - A Prologue September 2003

A great deal has happened vis a vis Iraq since this paper was written in April of 2003. For our part a large group of activists and academics traveled to Northern Cyprus on April 25th and met at the Eastern Mediterranean University to discuss what to do next. Out of those discussions came the dream of Dr. Tareq Ismael to build the International University of Baghdad (IUB). The initial proposal was developed in Cyprus and it was decided that the initiative should be a Canadian sponsored initiative.

The IUB would begin as a “virtual university”, meaning that the project will begin to get underway in terms of establishing programs, international connections, and so forth, even before it would acquire a physical presence in Iraq. Once established, however, it will be a graduate-focused institution and would compliment post-secondary education in Iraq, rather than compete in the post-Ba’ath environment. Not only will the university spearhead needed educational programs, but it will also make available a wealth of educated individuals capable of filling the “brain-drain” that resulted from the years of war, militarization and sanctions. Before the U.S. and British-led attack on Iraq, there were 10 universities in the country, but the quality of education provided at these universities was in decline as there was not enough funding available to run these institutions properly, principally due to the UN Security Council sanctions and the choices made by the previous Iraqi government to focus predominantly on militarization. Vast numbers of university professors and professionals, such as doctors and engineers, left the country in the 1990s as a result of the dramatic decline in social services. Now, largely due to the destruction and looting incurred in the recent war and its aftermath, none of the universities in Iraq remain fully functional. This is a predicament that urgently requires attention, as access to education has always been instrumental in developing a lively and independent civil environment.

The established universities in Iraq will benefit greatly from an internationally-focused and graduate-centred educational facility in their country. The IUB will be able to draw students from all over the world to study in Iraq, alongside Iraqi citizens, creating a constructive dialogue that is capable of transcending the simplicities of international conflict scenarios. The breadth of experiences possessed by the international students will enhance the resources and connections that Iraqi citizens themselves would have, fostering greater civil society through an ever increasing independence from governmental contacts. At the same time, the unique experiences of the Iraqi students – historically, politically, economically and culturally – along with the potential revival of a “cosmopolitan” Baghdad, will serve to enrich the international students who would be studying at the IUB.

The planning committee has already garnered a great deal of international recognition for this project, including support from individuals such as Betty Williams, the Irish Nobel laureate, and Jordan's Prince el-Hassan Bin Talal, brother of the late King Hussein, who is acting as the chairman of the board of trustees. Furthermore, IUB advocates include Canada’s Prime Minister Jean Chrétien; along with Edward Broadbent, former leader of NDP; Richard Falk, professor of international law (Emeritus) at Princeton University; and John Polanyi, winner of the Nobel Prize in chemistry and professor of chemistry at the University of Toronto.

With the help of other supporters, the IUB planning committee is also currently working to urge Nelson Mandela, former South African President, to become a member of the university’s board of trustees.

At this crucial time when many Iraqis see any outside involvement as largely negative and tied to an “occupation”, and relate to the international environment in terms of “conflict”, the reconstruction of Iraqi educational infrastructure through this project and others will help to provide an example for the positive possibilities of international cooperation. Canada is in a unique position to spearhead such a project and should seize the opportunity to foster positive development in Iraq and advance our traditional role as a peacemaker in the international environment.

While in Ottawa over the past few months we have had meetings with several MPs, Senators, DFAIT, CIDA and potential partner agencies such as the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada (AUCC), the Canadian Bureau for International Education (CBIE) and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

To summarize the rationale we presented in Ottawa for why Canada should lead this initiative:
1. Canada has had a long-standing relationship with the Middle East and in particular with Iraq. Prior to the Gulf War of 1991, Canada was one of Iraq’s primary trading partners, and the Canadian Wheat Board was the largest supplier of wheat to Iraq.
2. Canada is considered a non-imperialistic actor in the region. We have not had the expansionist policies of France, the United Kingdom and the United States.
3. Canada has had a reputation as a Middle Power and a peacemaker in world affairs.
4. The stance that Canada took in the recent Gulf War of not supporting unilateral US action has reinforced Canada’s image in world affairs.
5. Canada can exercise a tremendous amount of influence in Iraq and the region by taking these kinds of initiatives.

You may contact me at donn.lovett@gmail.com. I look forward to hearing from all of you and your personal journeys.

Part 11 - Activism - Initial Conclusion 2003

The point of this article is to let people know that anyone can make a difference. Although we failed in our attempt to prevent the U.S. from invading Iraq we accomplished great things during the past few years. Canada did not change its position and support the US/UK war. Canada maintained its support for the UN. We met with several governments around the world and we felt we influenced their decisions. And we must not forget the events of February 15th, 2003 when the world stood up in the largest support for peace ever experienced.

My 23 year old daughter, Shanda traveled to Iraq in 1999 as part of an international women’s conference. While in Iraq she visited several schools and talked to children about the sanctions. She was invited to meet with Madame Aline Chrétien and in December 1999 had a 90 minute audience with Madame Chrétien to discuss her experience in Iraq.

More recently, my 12 year old daughter, Kate visited the Iraqi Embassy in Ottawa 2 weeks ago to have a tea with the Iraqi Charge. My daughters have become anti-war activists in there own right. I cannot forget the undying support I receive from my wife, Nora Stewart. Nora is an engineer and a senior partner in a large energy evaluation firm in Calgary. Without her absolute support I would not be able to accomplish anything.

Our responsibility now is to ensure that the US does not become the judge, jury and executioner for the world.

We shall overcome.

Written in 2003

Part 10 - Activism - A Brave Canadian MP & Diplomacy

In January 2003 I organized a parliamentary delegation to go to Iraq with the knowledge of Prime Minister Chrétien and Foreign Minister Graham. Madame Colleen Beaumier and her able assistant, Natalie Jewett joined me on the trip.

Also in Baghdad at the same time were Gary Bobrovitz from Global News Calgary and Linda Slobodian from the Calgary Herald on visas we arranged. They reported the situation on the ground from Baghdad.

In Baghdad we met with the Deputy Prime Minister, Mr. Tariq Aziz, the Foreign Minister, Mr. Naji Sabri, the Iraq Trade Minister, Communications and Transportation Minister, Deputy Agriculture Minister and the Deputy Speaker of the Iraq National Assembly accompanied by several members of the Assembly.

The purpose of the trip was to convey to Iraq the Canadian position with regard to disarmament and to receive any message that Iraq wanted put before our government. The Iraqis asked one thing and that was for Canada to maintain its position in support of the UN.

We arrived back in Canada on January 29th, 2003 and worked non-stop to try and reach agreement on an initiative that would prevent the U.S. from invading. This involved a two stage proposal.

Initially there was the six points for piece plan that was developed through the efforts of Scott Ritter and the Deputy Foreign Minister of South Africa, Mr. Pahad and was an extension of the Canadian initiative that was being discussed by the non permanent members of the UN Security Council in February 2003.

After the attack by the US and the UK a modification of that plan which was now being sponsored by the Vatican was tabled. Both of these proposals had been somewhat agreed to by Iraq and involved Disarmament, Human Rights, Democracy, Diplomacy, Economy and of course Peace.

These initiatives are attached to this paper for review. But as the entire world now understands the U.S. and the UK were not interested in a peaceful solution to Iraq.

Part 9 - Activism - Weapons' Inspectors Return to Iraq

While this was being organized and unfolding, Bush was dragged kicking and screaming to the UN on September 12th. This happened through the efforts of a number of countries including Canada and the UK. He appeared at the UN because there was virtually no support for U.S. actions against Iraq and Bush felt that the U.S. could beat the UN into submission. The timing worked out for Iraq who had agreed to come to New York for September 14th and, through a series of negotiations in New York that I was involved in, made its proposal to the UN through Kofi Annan on September 16th, 2002. The proposal allowed for a return of weapons inspectors to Iraq with no conditions attached. The negotiations were finalized in November 2002 and that way was paved for Hans Blix to return to Iraq after 4 years without inspections.

The return of the inspectors neutralized the U.S. demand that Iraq disarm. However, it soon became apparent that the U.S. was not interested in a disarmed Iraq, but rather wanted control of the country for several reasons, not least of which was Iraqi oil and the fact that in their war on terrorism they had not been able to find Osama bin Laden. The U.S. then moved to the language of “regime change” and the world began to respond to their actions, culminating in the mass rallies held worldwide on February 15th, 2003. Tens of millions of people protested the U.S. position including 1.5 million people in London, who opposed Tony Blair’s pro-U.S. stance and 1 million people in Rome, who opposed their government’s support for the U.S. Spain saw hundreds of thousands of people in Madrid and Barcelona protesting the Spanish government’s support of Bush. As a result, the U.S. changed its rhetoric from “regime change” to “liberation of the Iraqi people and a change in human rights”.

Part 8 - Activism - Return of Weapons' Inspectors Con't.

In August 2002, Scott Ritter went to South Africa to meet with the Tariq Aziz of Iraq, Mr. Pahad, the Deputy Foreign Minister of South Africa, and the Belgium Foreign Minister. During these meetings it was agreed that Scott would go to Baghdad to address the Iraq National Assembly on September 8th, and during the presentation would discuss the return of the inspectors. South Africa and Belgium agreed to cooperate with Canada, if Canada would take the lead on the “honest broker” initiative.

Meanwhile back in Canada, I stayed in touch with the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister to ensure that, at the very least, Canada would continue to support the UN and not support US unilateral actions. On two occasions in July and August of 2002, in direct phone conversations with Prime Minister Chrétien, I was assured that Canada would keep supporting the UN. On August 9th, 2002 at a meeting with Bush in Detroit, Mr. Chrétien reiterated Canada’s support for a UN resolution to the Iraq situation. At the same time I had met with Minister Graham, who also assured me that Canada would stay with a UN resolution. To this day they have maintained that position and I believe that Canadians should be very proud of these actions of our Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, in the face of the tremendous pressure from the Americans to support their unilateral actions. I was in the Canadian House of Commons on March 17th, 2003 when the Prime Minister announced that Canada would not support the US war on Iraq. This was one of the bravest things our Prime Minister has ever done.

Scott Ritter met with the Iraq National Assembly on September 8th, 2002 and told them in no uncertain words that they had to allow the inspectors to return and that there was no room for negotiations on this matter. Further, they had to advise the UN that they would accept the inspectors before the U.S. was able to get a resolution before the UN that they would not be able to deal with. Iraq accepted what Scott had to say and dispatched Foreign Minister Sabri to New York for September 14th.